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Sunday, February 18, 2018

“Crushing the stake head”: first published papers about the terrible Georgian events


“The End Of Atlantis. Why Putin will never be Gorbachev” is a new book by our longtime columnist, publicist, Advisor to the Director of Regardie Alexander HINSTEIN.

What would happen to the Soviet Union, if in 1985, came to power, Gorbachev, and Putin, and Vice versa; what fate was destined for Russia, to lead it in 2000, not Putin, and people like Gorbachev? Whether the USSR was doomed to collapse or he had a fair margin of safety, and the second largest economy in the world was able to provide a reasonable reform without breaking the whole system? Why the Union was “prison of Nations” only 14 of the 140 nationalities and what are the similarities between the “color revolutions” in the CIS, the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe?

Written in the genre of alternate history book answers most of these and other difficult questions. The two presidents traveling through space and time, comparing their actions in similar situations, argues convincingly that the Union is quite realistic save for the factor of personality in Russian history is always the key.

Today we publish in the reduction of one of the chapters of new books.

Continuing with 6.04.1989 G. rally at the government House in Tbilisi. A poster in the crowd in English: “No Russian Communist Empire!”.

…Sapper shovel — that’s the first memory POPs up as soon it comes about Tbilisi events. Such blades in the night of 9 April 1989, Soviet soldiers like cut down peaceful demonstrators, sparing neither women, nor girls, nor pregnant women.

The Soviet military ruthlessly drowned in the blood of freedom-loving Georgia: just about in the national consciousness seem so far, these events have had irreversible consequences for the country.

This masterfully orchestrated and promoted the propaganda horror story proved to be surprisingly tenacious. Millions of people believe in it for almost three decades, and in Georgia, with Saakashvili, and it was built on the highest state level.


photo: Gennady Cherkasov

Investigation of events in Tbilisi began loudly, to the whole country, under the drumbeat of the Congress and the angry shouts of the public. Ended it almost imperceptibly, silently: just opened the truth was useless, because was contrary to the established “General line”. And in Georgia, by that time de facto of Moscow separated; what waving fists after a fight?

Since then, almost 30 years, the criminal case No. 6-89, completed by the state office of public Prosecutor of the USSR, in February 1991, and remain unknown to the General public. We first published these miraculously preserved unique documents.

Never mind what you first heard and read about “black April”. Almost everything reported in the press and declared from the tribune of the deputies, turned out to be a lie.

There was not hacked to death or gassed people. Of the 19 dead no one fell into the hands of the military (18 trampled by the crowd), and the number of victims the soldier and officers (189 people) were much more than “peaceful demonstrators” (154). And no toxic, deadly gases commandos, too, was not applied: the ordinary “Cherry”, standing in service of all police in the world.

As for the ill-fated sapper (right — small infantry) shoulder blades, suffered from them only 4 people were slightly (!) injury. That’s just not the soldiers cut down the protesters, but on the contrary, defended themselves from them…

I I beg the reader’s forgiveness for the excessive detail and the abundance of documents which he intends to quote. To abandon them is beyond me. Coupled with the eyewitness accounts of those never published before in the case file No. 6-89 provide a unique opportunity, precisely in the microscope, examine the entire underside of the provocation of historic proportions; to see the hidden mechanisms and technologies of separatism.

■ ■ ■

The first call in Georgia, rang in October 1987, when a group of nationalist dissidents announced the creation of informal “Society of Ilya Chavchavadze”.

All these people had been repeatedly convicted for dissident activities: Merab Kostava — four, Zviad Gamsakhurdia — three times, their associates Georgi Chanturia, Irakli Tsereteli, Tamara Chkheidze — twice. (On the small fry that took one trip, I did not even mention.)

If only so the secret service just had to keep professional troublemakers eyes. And, quite possibly, kept. No responses to take no hurry.

But already in the first document the goals and objectives of the Society stated clearly: “Isolation of Georgia from the USSR and establishing an independent Republic.” But instead, to pay off confusion in the Bud, the government graciously allowed once the Genie escape from the bottle.

By the autumn of 1988 the Republic has embraced a series of unauthorized rallies, demonstrations, pickets. To protest against something, yesterday’s dissidents was absolutely not important in connection with the construction of Khudoni HPP and the cascade of power plants on the Inguri river, for the salvation of the monuments of history, the abolition of censorship, in defense of the purity of the Georgian language. The only thing that unites these very diverse protests is a blatant anti-Imperial, nationalist rhetoric.

In the 20 days of November, the students of Tbilisi universities with the filing of Gamsakhurdia and Kostava took the steps of government House, which housed the Supreme Council and the Council of Ministers of the Georgian SSR. They called for a General strike until the complete destruction of the Kremlin tyranny. (The formal reason was the discussion of deputies amendments to the Constitution.)

Every day the Maidan grew. By 26 November, according to official estimates of the authorities, the strike-the hunger strike has involved up to 500 people. Simultaneously, the demonstrations flared throughout the city. The passions increased, and with it a growing degree of opposition slogans.

Gamsakhurdia, Kostava and their supporters now demanded reparations from Moscow for the “occupation”, the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops and the establishment of the national guard, deprivation of Abkhazia, Ajaria and South Ossetia’s status of autonomy, of closing all non-Georgian schools, universities, theatres, Newspapers. At the same time on Rustaveli Avenue there was a call: “Better to die here than be under the yoke of the Kremlin.”

During interrogation in the criminal case of the Tbilisi riots the commander of ZakVO, Colonel-General Igor Rodionov will show: “in November 1988 the leadership of the Republic was decided the question was raised about putting in Tbilisi special provisions. Army garrison repeatedly took custody of government and other vital facilities…»

The first wave, however, managed somehow to put it out. 29 Nov soothing appeal to the Georgian people was made by Gorbachev himself. Against the advice of their leaders, the strikers began to disperse.

No lessons from these events, the government, however, not made. Since the beginning of 1989, rallies fever again covers Tbilisi. 25 Feb informals hold mass funeral procession, timed to coincide with the date established in Georgia in 1921 Soviet power. At a gathering at government House they’re announcing the Declaration: to recognize the entry of Georgia into the USSR unlawful as a result of its armed takeover and subsequent occupation. From this point the actions of the opposition are growing like a snowball. By April in Tbilisi and other cities will be 28 unauthorized meetings, with the participation of 200 thousand people.

In the spring of 1989, begins to form “the Legion of Georgian falcons”, where hard spivayut young, physically strong men, warriors-“Afghans”, athletes (quoting a recruiting flyer to pain similar to future leaflets of the Ukrainian “Right sector”). Emissaries nonconformists freely (!) bypass enterprises, universities, toured towns and villages, picking up people to fight. Throughout Georgia formed a revolutionary network. Exponentially grow the circulation of opposition pamphlets and Newspapers.


Posters in the crowd: “USSR — prison of Nations”. (Photo from the criminal case.)

Into the hands of separatists and unrest that erupted in Abkhazia and South Ossetia; in fact, they themselves and their provoked. Very easy tactics: throw stones, and then resent the sound of breaking glass.

His chauvinist attacks “Zviadists” just don’t leave the Abkhazians, Ossetians and ajarians other way: they need to abolish their autonomy, to select a number of “native Georgian” lands, only the state language of Georgian, to prohibit intermarriage and the teaching of Abkhazian, Ajarian, South Ossetian history, to rename all settlements in the Georgian style.

“The Abkhaz nation that historically never existed — publicly announces Gamsakhurdia. — If these tribes will understand that we stand beside them, but only under the condition that they restored the historical justice and gave us our land”.

Contradictions between Georgia and its autonomies had too deep roots. These Stalinist mine sooner or later was bound to explode; finally, to neutralize them will have Putin and Medvedev almost 20 years after the events described.

(Up to 1917 and South Ossetia, and Abkhazia has nothing to do with Georgia had not. Both these territories were annexed to Russia completely Autonomous, and only after the revolution, the arbitrary decision of Stalin, became part of the Georgian SSR.)

The arrows of discord and hatred, fired from the Tbilisi rallies, flew to Abkhazia for long. Autonomy bubbled. The mass gatherings and demonstrations.

In contrast to the “Legion of Georgian falcons” hastily began to be created people’s front and self-defense units. Went to the first clashes between Abkhazians and Georgians — are still rare, but very symptomatic. The air is sharper smell the civil war.

18 Mar 1989 30-thousand rally in the village of Lykhny, the ancient capital of the Abkhazian Kingdom, the participants unanimously adopted an appeal to the CPSU Central Committee and Soviet government: “…to Restore the status of the Soviet Socialist Republic of Abkhazia, as it was proclaimed in 1921”. This meant secession from Georgia. The first statement was signed by the members of the Bureau of the Abkhazian obkom in full force.

Finally, the Tbilisi nationalists came the long-awaited enemy. Not abstract and illusory, and the most that neither is a tangible threat that can unite people — loss of lands. And then there’s excitement bubbled in Tskhinvali, where the Ossetians offended also expressed the desire to go under the direct jurisdiction of Moscow.

Almost daily, the nationalists gather in Tbilisi unauthorized anti-Abkhazian and anti-Ossetian meetings, twirling people. April 4 regular meeting Gamsakhurdia spent in the University: that she was destined to be the stone, followed by a final landslide. Hard to believe in coincidence: the day the country began summing up the results of elections of people’s deputies of the USSR — the first alternative campaign during the entire Soviet history.

In the evening, after a noisy rally at TSU, followed Gamsakhurdia leads the crowd (of two thousand students) to the government House: there is also a raging rally. When the column reached the House of government, together with other protesters, they were already about 5 thousand. Didn’t break up until 4 a.m. until he received an angry resolution:

“To declare national ipodcontent authorities of Georgia; to form an interim government of Georgia; to abolish the Abkhazian, Adzharian and South-Ossetian autonomy”.

At the call of the leaders of Gamsakhurdia, Kostava, Tsereteli — a group of students in 30-40 people have to sit on the steps. They declare an indefinite hunger strike, “while Georgia will not become an independent state”.

On the next day under a hundred hungry people. Since then, the rally and hunger strike near the House of government never stops. The number of participants grows exponentially.

“We will not yield to the fate of the 250 thousand Georgians brutal crowd Abkhazians!”— throws in mass Gamsakhurdia.

In fact, the Abkhazian question was merely a pretext. Even hasty resignation on 6 April of the Secretary of the Abkhazian regional Committee Allaby did not impress the crowd, rather only further provoke.

Now all the ardor of the audience facing in the direction of Moscow. The main goal of the Maidan is called “liberation” of Georgia. What began as anti-Abkhazian and anti-Ossetian, the rally becomes anti-Soviet and anti-Russian. Many posters and slogans do not give in to doubt. I quote from the materials of the criminal case: “to Push Russian!”, “USSR — prison of Nations!””Down with the rotten Russian Empire”, “Occupiers, get out of Georgia!””Russian — the invaders!””Russian, get out of our house!”.

By 7 April the number of protesters in front of government House comes up to 10-12 thousand. Organized columns protesters arriving from other cities, collectives of enterprises and institutions. A lot of students and schoolchildren.

In turn, unfolds and strike in Abkhazia. There’s also the rise of an enterprise, educational institution. Raging rallies. The excitement starts in South Ossetia. A little more — and the Republic does not hold.

■ ■ ■

And what about the authorities?

Almost daily Bureau of the Central Committee of the Georgian Communist party to urgently hold closed meetings. 5 April for the first time raises the question of dispersal of demonstrators.

The only one who voted against, commander of ZakVO, General Rodionov.

However, without the consent of Moscow on any use of force of the question, but the center is silent. Gorbachev left the country, drove off with the foreign visits, and in his absence to take responsibility no one dares.

“And 5th, and 6th, and even 7th of April it was possible to solve the issue of cleaning the city center from protesters by the interior…” — then say during the interrogation, General Rodionov.

In the case there are many cipher telegrams Rodionova (call “Violet”) to the Minister of defence Yazov. On 7 April, the commander of the district proposed by the interior Ministry to arrest leaders of the rally, to disperse the crowd and prevent new accumulations of human. This can be done was relatively painless at night, the protesters dispersed, leaving the area only a couple of hundred strikers.

It was just those crucial days, after which the flywheel not to spin ago. From 8 April, people will no longer leave Tbilisi Maidan at night. But all alarm signals remained unanswered. Waiting for the master…

Gorbachev will be back from London only the 7th in the evening. At the airport, after hearing the reports of colleagues, the Secretary General finally authorizes a sweep.

By the end April 8 in Tbilisi begins to arrive reinforcements: 4th motorized infantry regiment of a division of internal troops of them. Dzerzhinsky, the soldiers of the Voronezh and Perm OMON, the students of the Gorky school of militia. In the morning instead of relocating part of the 345-th parachute regiment.

Formally, the orders to send troops signed by the acting Minister of internal Affairs Ivan Shilov and chief of General staff Mikhail Moiseev. In fact, the generals only execute the will of the Kremlin. He Shilov also confirmed to me: before signing the order, he scored Gorbachev. In response, the tube sounded painfully familiar phrase (not the first and not the last time): “You are professionals, you know better…»


Dump trucks blocked approaches to the government House, which caused a mass stampede. (Photo from the criminal case.)

Rodionova at the insistence of the authorities resort to the last argument — the attempt of psychological intimidation. On 8 April, the General rises above Tbilisi military helicopters. They intentionally fly low, almost above the ground, in order to demonstrate: the Kremlin, there is still a gunpowder in powder flasks.

At noon on the streets of the city are nominated column the BMP and BMD. Two of them, escorted by patrol cars of GAI, in turn must pass on Rustaveli Avenue — kalonice protesters, but they met fierce resistance. Columns are forced to turn away.

Plotting a psychic attack, the military hoped to scare the rebels, but what happened was exactly the opposite: they deprived them of the last vestiges of fear.

Already with 13 hours of a group of young people starting to block the approaches to the Rustaveli Avenue and the government House. They rounded up the loaded trucks, buses, blocking narrow streets, overlooking the Avenue.

The protesters, especially “Legion of the Georgian falcons”, are actively preparing for defense. In the next House of artists deployed the infirmary, customized carriage of “ambulance”. Youth (students, pupils) brings with it the rods, knives, stones, sticks, chains, rebar. A lot of axes for cutting vines. Women prepare soda solution, gauze bandages: pre-announced that troops will use gases.

But despite this, the people going on and on Rustaveli Avenue. The majority of those who will die that night, will join the meeting 8 April, just before his dispersal.

The tramp canvas upper in Tbilisi pavement hurt even apolitical people. Psychologically it was a huge miscalculation of the authorities: they did not consider the factor of national dignity Caucasians. No one remembered, now, because of what, in fact, started an indefinite rally, the anger and indignation was caused by the mere fact of the invasion. In such moments the nation and rally together.

Any clear information to the public is not brought. Until April 7, after authorities tried to silence the rally-the hunger strike. There were no official statements or media reports or television coverage. No wonder that the information vacuum completely occupied by the opposition. A romantic image of demonstrators, heroes and martyrs started to shape already in the best traditions of folk art.

Now almost each speakers sounds the cry to stand to the end: to the last drop of blood. The leaders of the revolution in desperate need of blood.

What for? “Democrat” Merab Kostava lucidly explained ibid., April 8, at independence at government House: “UN Troops entered in other States when there are “hot spots”, blood is shed…»

■ ■ ■

…The final decision on the dispersal of the rally was decorated on the evening of 8 April in a closed session of Bureau of Central Committee KP of Georgia voted unanimously and the Minister of internal Affairs, Shota Gorgodze even offered to immediately arrest the leaders of the protesters.

Did these people all the risks of your decision? Naturally. But the Gordian knot has dragged on too tight to unravel, it was too late, could only hack.

It’s like the story with the Swamp area in 2012. And not apply the police force, who knows what turned out to be the case. No wonder the speakers name was already on the attack of the Kremlin

Aggressive, armed men the world had not stopped, especially on 9 April Gamsakhurdia announced the day of the dress rehearsal of the possibilities of the Georgian people and the start of the campaign in Abkhazia.

“There is a stalemate, a deadlock, is clearly laid out on the interrogation, the 2nd Secretary of the Georgian Central Committee Boris Nikolsky, when failure threatened irreparable consequences, bloodshed, and legitimate actions to maintain order, in the case of active resistance of the extremists, could lead to victims…»

According to the plan of operation developed by midnight the generals Rodionov and Efimov (chief of operations command BB), the main effort was assigned to the 4th regiment of the Dzerzhinsky division (650 infantry) and 2nd battalion of the internal troops deployed in Tbilisi (600). Troopers, riot police and cadets to the displacement to attract was not planned: they were supposed to guard the government house and the approaches to it after Stripping.

Their tasks were set and before the Georgian police: the most important thing — she was instructed to release adjacent to the Rustaveli streets, in order to ensure the passage of soldiers of internal troops.

The transaction is succinctly set out in the Prosecutor’s decision: “the Release of PR-t, street and square in front of government House from the protesters, which produce their frontal displacement along the Avenue with the turn — the square in the direction of the Republic square”.

From the beginning of operation was prepared as bloodless. In order to avoid casualties, columns of soldiers were to not go with the wedge and ranks: to squeeze out, but not to dissect the crowd, although the latter is much more effective. Incidentally, the term “Stripping” is not found in any of the documents, only “crowding out”.

Side arms (pistols) distributed only to officers. BB soldiers were equipped exclusively with rubber truncheons and shields, Marines — even some small infantry shovels. In the case of resistance is also expected to use fire water cannons.

Start of operations was appointed on 4 am. By this time, the criminal investigation Department of the Georgian interior Ministry was supposed to decapitate the crowd, holding the main instigators of the riots: Gamsakhurdia, Kostava, Tsereteli. But the plan began to crumble before it could even begin…

With the apparent connivance of General Gorgodze, the Georgian interior Ministry has not fulfilled any of the tasks. Approaches to Rustaveli Avenue was not cleared, the part of the Georgian militia took to their allotted stations, no one evacuate the victims.

A few hours before the operation Gorgodze, earlier in the day demanding the most extreme measures to cancel your order for the arrest of opposition leaders, citing Federal Minister Bakatin.

In the coming tragic events of the Georgian police to take part will not, except on the side of the protesters. It is her passivity and treachery have dramatically changed the scenario further.

The commander of the temporary group of the interior Ministry major-General Yuri Yefimov will tell on interrogation: “I Declare clearly: if the Republican militia order No. 18 and the plan would be fully implemented, the operation could be different.”

After the police flinch and the KGB. The Chairman of the KGB of Georgia Gumbaridze withdrew from the area all its employees, before scattered among the demonstrators. The crews of the fire brigades (according to plan — 10 arrived — 4) refused to use water cannons against the crowd.

Because of the sabotage of the local drivers ‘ hours in place could not move troops GSOM Gorky, Perm and Voronezh Riot. In the end, the decisive event they will be late…

Thus, instead of the expected 3 thousand infantry generals managed to collect two times less 1.7 thousand. But there was nowhere to retreat.

At exactly 4 a.m. Dzerzhinsky three ranks walked across a 30-metre width of the Avenue Rustaveli. In front of them slowly stretched 6 “armored personnel carriers”. Behind, on the left and right flanks, were Kirovabad Marines.

The protesters, however, were not going to surrender. Despite the deep night, there was 8 to 10 thousand. To divert them from the square could not even the Patriarch-Catholicos of all Georgia Ilia II. When the gray-haired Patriarch urged all to follow him to prayer in the nearby Church Kashitsky, 28-year-old revolutionary Tsereteli Elijah grabbed the microphone.

All that occurred further, the consequence managed to restore literally every minute, especially that from several points timeline of events dispassionately recorded the video cameras of the KGB.

4.00. Beginning of operation. The order for the extension of the column internal forces gives the commander of ZakVO Rodionov.

4.02. The first attack protesters at the soldiers. They throw stones, bottles, sticks. Before the approach to the area of 6 soldiers received injuries of varying severity.

4.04. The demonstrators passed “armored personnel carriers” on Rustaveli Avenue, and then again close ranks, ready to fight back.

4.05. Reaching the square at the government House, soldiers ‘ the column stops. The lines are formed passages for the evacuation of people. The commander of the 4th regiment Colonel Baklanov through a megaphone once again invites the crowd to disperse. It is a new wave of fierce resistance.


Morning at the government House.

4.06. Dzerzhinsky includes “in contact with protesters in the center of the right wing of the government House, trying to oust them with shields.” Start active collision.

In spite of all subsequent stories, the soldiers began to use batons only in response to aggression protesters. In the attacks and the attacks on them involved from 500 to 1,000 people; mostly it was young and physically strong men, mainly athletes. They on the interrogation, especially then did not open:

Bakradze, 25 years: “We’re just brutalized by what he saw and as he could, began to beat the soldier. In the hands of the us were sticks. I personally broke the bench at the 1st secondary school and it is stake went to destroy the soldier’s head, however, wish they were steel helmets… Guys robbed batons, broke shields…»

Lolua, 29 years: “…Young people took the stones and rebar on a construction site in the Alexander garden and threw in a soldier… I came into close combat with one of the soldiers… the Plastic shield I broke a hand, struck him with his fist in the face and wanted to break the jaw…»

Merabishvili: “some guys were in the hands of the stones. The two soldiers knocked to the ground and began to beat them. The soldiers did not move, perhaps they were dead, as they were all in blood…»

One of the nineteen killed in the riots — a 32-year-old Shalva Kvasroliashvili — typical hero of the time. Karate, height meter eighty, previously convicted for theft. April 8, came to the rally from Telavi district. Was in the forefront of resistance.

“…Jumping inflicted heavy blows on the shields of soldiers in a/h 3419, pulled them shields hands. When falling on the pavement after the next jump Kvasroliashvili hit his head on a rock… after a brief loss of consciousness was taken to the infirmary and then to the hospital, where he died from this injury” (from the decision of the Prosecutor General).

Bloodless ousting clearly begins to choke. The demonstrators break through the left flank and seep sideways into the rear of the ranks. Strength is not enough — riot police and the students has not arrived still, the planned reserves of Georgian police do not exist, and Tbilisi battalion of the internal troops can not get to the Avenue through the barricaded streets (thanks to the Minister Gorgodze!). A little more, and the attack will be thwarted.

And then General Rodionov takes a forced decision: to temporarily cover the left flank of the force of paratroopers. About 4.20 to Dzerzhinsky with part airborne battalion (59). It was then on the Avenue and there was the ill-fated blades: anything else to fight the “blue berets” just can’t, batons, they were not issued.

Marines participate in ousting long. After 10 minutes have replaced them a long-awaited battalion of internal troops, overcame the same barricades. In the future, “winged infantry” will be involved only in the protection and stripped the cordon perimeter, as originally envisioned in the plan.

But those 10 minutes was more than enough to give birth to the myth of bloody sapper blades. If cobblestone was an instrument of the proletariat, the blade will be the main weapon of the Tbilisi “punitive”.

4.24 — on the Avenue appear of the car “ambulance”, begins the evacuation of the wounded.

4.28 — columns Dzerzhinsky reach the frontier of the government House…

Again interrupt the chronology of events and refer to the operation plan, the more that he had never before published. This diagram gives a clear picture of how the troops acted.

Rustaveli Avenue — the main artery of Tbilisi, Tverskaya — in Moscow, St — Petersburg, Bolshaya Sadovaya in Rostov. Wide and perfectly straight, it goes from the Lenin square (start column) to Republic square (point of displacement). This is slightly more than a kilometer away: continuing the analogy with the Tver — like from Pushkin to Manezh.

From all sides of the Avenue come pompous Stalin’s Empire building: the housing here is virtually none. Each building is in fact an entire block, surrounded by both sides of the narrow streets in total on Rustaveli Avenue it is already 15.

A part of these streets is already behind government House towards the Republic square before the end of surgery remained free; everyone could easily back off and go through them. In addition, the soldiers periodically formed in their chains corridors, releasing a stampede of women and children.

“Many hundreds of people along this corridor were removed to St. Chichinadze and thereby saved from destruction in the crush, say during the interrogation, the chief of the Tbilisi police Colonel gventsadze. — If this was not done, the crush would have died, in my opinion, at least 300 people”.

Major crush happening at the steps of government House, where the starving. All of the victims that night will die here. And again, contrary to future legends, not the fault of the military.

At the moment when the soldier’s chain approached the House of government, Gamsakhurdia called the hungry to sit on the ground, steps, rails — who is where. To leave the battlefield he was banned.

But when the line along with the backing began to emphasize, they were simply nowhere to go; Chichinadze street and Canaja surrounding the building because of the betrayal of the police was still blocked by equipment. People are caught exactly in the narrow bottle neck, unlike Gamsakhurdia, who at the time managed to escape.

Exactly the same — only on a large scale — occurred at Khodynka during the coronation of Nicholas, and in the center of Moscow for Stalin’s funeral. Flailing, blinded the crowd is a terrifying force. Fell, slipped — and there is no salvation…

Dry up: 16 people died on the spot, three more died later in hospitals…

…About 4.30–4.35 square in front of government House were released, and the protesters pushed down in the direction of the Republic square. Peaceful demonstrators here have long gone.

Receding on Rustaveli Avenue, the revolutionaries pelted soldiers with stones, bottles, firecrackers, climb on balconies and rooftops. From the Republic square and perpendicular streets joining all the new supporters. They have a few thousand. They overturned cars, trying to erect barricades, to RAM the soldiers ‘ column of trucks. (On the route from government House to Republic square will be injured and wounded another 33 soldiers.)

Now a couple of water cannons — and the prospect in every sense will be clean, but the Georgian firefighters still refuse to use fire brigades. Helps even the intervention of the commander of grouping of the Ministry of internal Affairs of the USSR Yuri Efimov: the Georgian captain meets Soviet General that is accountable only to the Minister Bakatin. To disperse the crowd, the commander of the regiment Baklanov forced to use tear gas.

“An angry mob pelted us with hail of stones, bottles, metal rods, and armoured personnel carriers throwing wooden benches, broke all the lights, marker lights — he described the situation later. — Of the personnel was broken 30% shields… a bus with the wounded (soldiers. — Ed.) was Packed full. Rampaging protesters in buses and ambulances broke the glass. I reported everything to the General Efimov… and by his order set the task to use special means “Cheryomukha”.

Only to 5 a.m. the Rustaveli Avenue has finally been cleared from the demonstrators. All of the objects and the blocks taken by the troops under protection.

Tbilisi in the morning when Wake up, they realize that before them lies a completely different country.

(Concluded in next issue)

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