Who will replace the departed in the speakers of the Duma Vyacheslav Volodin in the role of “king of the Russian public policy” – the first Deputy head of the Kremlin administration? There are destined to Sergey Kirienko, the second time in his political career to justify his long-standing nickname of “kinder-surprise”? Maybe a wave of rumors and publications about the possible transfer of ex-Prime Minister of the Russian Federation to work in the Kremlin is nothing more than a duck that is running either for the purpose of testing public opinion, or to divert attention from some other figure?
photo: Gennady Cherkasov
For example, can we rule out, for example, such variant: the deeper meaning of the combination with “increase” Kiriyenko that someone took the armchair of the head of Rosatom — the world-famous Corporation with a turnover of many billions of dollars?
I met Sergei Kiriyenko even when he was the Minister of fuel and energy of the Russian Federation in 1998. And since then rest assured: according to the type of personality that Kirienko is primarily a businessman and corporate Manager and only secondarily a politician. I don’t believe that Sergei Kiriyenko suddenly wanted to change their own “nuclear fiefdom” is very troublesome in the present circumstances, one of two first deputies of Anton Vaino.
Questions, in a word, mass. And the answers to them — though the answers are only partial, it is not necessary to feed special illusions on this score — is that at a time when Putin’s corresponding decree has dried ink.
But something we can seriously reflect and in the period when the former office of the first Secretary of the Moscow city Committee of the CPSU Boris Yeltsin, in that office in the complex of buildings of the presidential administration on an Old square worked Vyacheslav Volodin — has temporarily left without an owner. We can, for example, to try to formulate the problem that will inevitably face any new curator of the Russian public policy — no matter how will sound his name.
The number one task I have formulated so — to prevent bureaucratic counter-revolution. From the point of view of ordinary people, if over the last five years the Russian government has changed, these changes are not very noticeable. But, if you look at the situation from the inside, the changes are many and they relate, primarily, relations between the Federal center and the regions.
“Zabolotny” the era of any local chief considered themselves part of a single vertical of power, a kind of Plenipotentiary representative of the vertical. With this configuration of the state mechanism system of checks and balances was not working properly. An impact on any element of the vertical of power was perceived as a shot across the vertical.
After mass public protests in Russia at the turn of 2011-2012, this system was radically rebuilt. Now the principle of relations between the Kremlin and regional officials can be formulated as follows: our problems are your problems. But your problem is only your problem. Can not cope? Replaced by someone who will — and will not cope with using phony numbers in the ballots, and thanks to the game by the rules.
The new regional policy of Moscow can not be considered successful by 100%. In terms of absolute freedom of action, force structures, in terms of petty oversight by Federal government agencies and to forge economic initiatives governors the new system, from my point of view, there are very serious flaws. But in that part of the reforms, which is directly supervised by Vyacheslav Volodin, a definite change for the better is evident.
Except for a few selected regional leaders who have a special place in the system of vertical power, the local chiefs ceased to feel the powerful kings of life. They began to fear “creatively” to the election. They began to be afraid of too much ridicule of the local civil society. Power in the regions was formed only on the basis of unofficial arrangements, as it was before, but on the basis of open competitive procedures type primaries of the party in power. In every Russian province has an official “opposition of his Majesty” – having direct access to the Federal center, the local branch of the popular Front.
Of course, not every major local “veteran” is a figure independent of the Governor. In some places the magistrates managed to crush RPF by itself. But the General policy of the Federal center is to prevent such developments. This is the main meaning of “doctrine Volodina”: do not give the regional governors to relax, to maintain them in good shape, to diversify the flow of information from each specific region to Moscow.
Why I took the word “doctrine Volodina” in quotation marks? Because mostly it’s Putin doctrine. Volodin was the executor, implementer of the ideas of the President, decided that the Russian political elite lives are too good and this must be corrected. But from the performers, as we know, depends very, very much. Volodin is in the implementation plan intended to be a “man without nerves”, the man who will break all through the knee. Regional officials quietly hated many of those “valuable suggestions”, which he lowered from the Kremlin — hated, but could see no other choice but to take the salute.
If the place Volodina sit the weaker and more delicate the figure, that all might return to normal. From the point of view of national interests of Russia, this prospect seems to me, is unacceptable. The formation of a local tops based on the primaries. A fundamentally different attitude toward the institution of elections. The popular front as the alternative source of information for the Federal government — all this, in my opinion, should remain.
But limit the creative development of the policy of his predecessor changer Vyacheslav Volodin certainly not succeed. New times — new challenges, and challenges the most that neither is serious. I, for example, are very concerned about the growing alienation of the “creative class” from the rest of society. Me concerned about the growing nationwide popularity of the most that neither is anti-democratic ideas.
I have the impression that by declaring myself a complete antithesis of the modern Ukraine, we are partly making the same mistakes that the young democracy in Kiev”. Take, for example, the phenomenon of unelected “community activists”, who believe that they have the right to dictate to the society what it is and what is not. I can’t get rid of the oppressive feeling of the social atmosphere in our country is changing for the worst. We crept in the era of reaction — reaction, which is “generated” not by power, but by some dark sides of our social consciousness.
No successor Vyacheslav Volodin, the Kremlin is not to be envied. He will have to face many problems on the background of oblivion such thing as “the state of free money”. In place of Sergei Kiriyenko, I would be all arms and legs resisted the care of Rosatom. But the President in our country, as you know, to refuse it is not accepted. If Putin orders, “Volodin” in Russia will be any.